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Examples
|
Type of Evaluation / Measures |
Results
|
Lessons
Learned / Caveats
|
|
| OCCUPATION / INDUSTRY SPECIFIC TRAINING (see STRATEGIES AND TOOLS) | ||||
| National Jobs Corps Program | Employment, earnings, crime and cost-benefit analysis. | Employment and earning gains across most students. Reduction in crime. Cost effective despite high initial costs. | ||
| School-to-work programs |
|
Stimulate student interest.Useful contacts with employers.More students plan for post-secondary training. | Difficult to get postsecondary institutions and employers involved; there are costs in being a worksite for students. | |
| High School Career Academy (a study of 10,000 students) | Compared program participants to a comparison group. | Positive results: higher GPA, lower dropout rates and higher probability to attend postsecondary education. Negative results: no higher employment rates or wages after high school graduation. | Factors contributing to success: complete curriculum, sheltered environment, social support system of teachers and peers, leadership, and school system and community support. | |
| School-to-Work by Michigan's Manufacturing Technology Partnership | Compared program participants to a comparison group. Preparation for careers in manufacturing. | Positive results: Higher GPA, higher- class rank, reduction in absence, higher employment rates, higher wage rates, and higher number of hours worked. | Program successfully implemented a dynamic curriculum integrating vocational and academic skills. | |
| Work force development programs (for adults) administered by the Ohio Department of Education | Used survey to determine employment and wages. | 75 percent of participants were employed. However, only 6 0 percent of employed participants were in jobs related to training. | ||
|
Community College impact on displaced workers in Pennsylvania and Washington |
Data analysis from unemployment insurance earnings records and college transcripts | A year of schooling raised long-term earnings of displaced workers by 5 percent. Technically oriented courses had large returns while other courses resulted in zero or negative returns. | Cannot compare to trends in Indianapolis that might have occurred without the sports strategy. | |
| Federal job training programs | Reviewed a large number of evaluation studies conducted previously. | Programs lead to increased earnings and the benefits generally outweigh the costs, though the increases in earnings are moderate and benefits usually fade out after a few years. Programs lead to increased earnings and the benefits generally outweigh the costs, though the increases in earnings are moderate and benefits usually fade out after a few years. | ||
| Government job training programs | Reviewed a large number of evaluation studies conducted previously. | Training programs produce modest positive effects on employment and earnings for adults, but are not large enough reduce poverty, income inequality or welfare use. Programs have not produced positive effects for youth. | ||
| Government job training programs for disadvantaged women | Compared recipients of job training to a comparison group without job training. | Overall, job training had little or no effect on the probability of working. Women who received more than one type of job training were more successful. Training recipients received higher wages. Contextual and structural factors had important impacts. | Helping disadvantaged women requires micro-level as well as macro-level intervention. Macro-level interventions include policies that encourage occupational and educational opportunities and effective welfare systems. | |
| Resource networks for low-income women | Interviews with adult female welfare recipients. | The most useful type of networks are wide acquaintanceship networks from work and school that emerge from human capital development. Social contacts can prevent women from competing successfully in the primary labor market. Wage subsidies may be the most effective policy for job-mobile women. The most useful type of networks are wide acquaintanceship networks from work and school that emerge from human capital development. Social contacts can prevent women from competing successfully in the primary labor market. Wage subsidies may be the most effective policy for job-mobile women. | ||
